In the last years of the 19th century, Anarchism and Socialism were the two main trends in the Argentine labor movement. Debates and discussions were permanent among these two currents. They took place in workplaces, in labor rallies and mobilizations, and especially in the pages of political newspapers. This paper analyzes one of them, previously neglected by labor histography: the debate between Eduardo Gilimón and Alfredo Pasqualetti in early 1898.

This article aims at reconstruct and analize the alignments of the National Left, led by Jorge Abelardo Ramos, in relation to the political and ideological facts that took place in the mid fifties in Argentina. Those years configured a period of crisis, transformation and symbolic battle that involved several figures and groups of the left culture.

The article analyzes the relationship between the Mexican peasant movement, the Communist Party and the Communist International during the twenties. We show how the policy of "united front" enabled the alliance between agrarians and communists in Mexico, which collapsed by external factors (the left turn of the Comintern and its policy of "class against class") and internal (Mexican government repression against the communists and the assimilation of the peasant movement to official structures).

The article proposes the concept of essential democracy without cooptation in Latin America as a model that integrates dimensions of liberty, equality and fraternity. Co-optation is to deny the autonomy of the other as axis of bad practices that make democracy a formal process: elections captured by parallel powers, equality without empowerment equality, coexistence without recognition. The proposed model is an alternative to approaches that emphasize only the liberal elements of individual rights.

The Communist Party of Uruguay, like others, was perfectly internationalist and pro-Soviet. However, gradually developed its own strategic and tactical definitions. The position toward the “pacific road to revolution” help us to clarify this issue. While the Communist Party of Soviet Union, after the XX Congress, builded about the growing of the odds of the “pacific road” to socialism, the Communist Party of Uruguay argued exactly the opposite for the Latin American countries. Following this definition, despite being a legal party, PCU organized a secret military organization during the decade before the 1973 “coup d’état”.

This article reconstructs the artist’s Guillermo Facio Hebequer trough his public speeches and insertion into a broader political and cultural fabric that surpasses the experience of the Artistas del Pueblo. It’s argued that their participation in different political and cultural circles to the left, plus the changing political, social and economic situation open for the 1930 crisis led to Facio Hebequer a progressive approach to the cultural orbit of the PCA and new attempts articulate art with politics.

This article addresses the issue of solidarity with the Chilean opposition in Italy, during the dictatorship, focusing on the contribution of the two main parties of the local left, PCI and PSI. Its purpose is to analyze the different ways in which these communities contributed to the formulation of the policy of renewed socialism, highlighting a change, in the late seventies, which marks the transition from communist to socialist hegemony in the work of helping the Chilean left.

This article intend to be a contribution to problematize the naturalness ofsex and sexuality, and the universal sex / gender dichotomy as structuring principles of sex/gender modern theory. I will try to review the process of politicization of anatomy, in response to its characterization as a phenomenon "merely natural". Also, review the contributions from the socalled gender poststructuralist epistemology (Sabsay, 2011). We´ll finally introduce the so-called criticism from feminists of color in its attempts to understand that the subject of feminism is not merely woman even remotely universal.

This article analyses the construction of a counterinsurgency doctrinal framework in the Argentine Army between 1955 and 1976. In particular, the study focuses on the definitions and methods of treatment to use with the so-called "prisoners of war" in the case that the Armed Forces had to face a subversive threat. For this, it will be study a series of military regulations made during the years in question. The aim is to show the increasing militarization of internal security based on the counterinsurgency war approach towards the repression of internal conflictivity by the military actor.

The text tries to accomplish a relationship between the key concepts that allow the understanding of the relationship dynamics between culturally different subjects: “conflict”, “violence” and “victim”. Through this exercise we will intent to define and describe “intercultural violence” as a concept that promises to have interesting performance in te study of relationships between subjects from different cultures that coexist daily.

This article analyzes the first reactions of the leaders of the Communist Party of Argentina to the instructions received through agents designated by the Communist International about the locally adoption of the tactics of the "united front". The archival work undertaken in this study shows that, far from presenting an image of party under foreign command, the PCA retained in the beginning a relative autonomy that allowed, without breaking with the Comintern and without applying finally to it conflicting policies, questioning the universal sense of the instructions received.