This paper seeks to trace the nature of communitarian politics in Kerala, with a focus on how the Indian Union Muslim League (also known as Muslim League), has employed diverse religious and political strategies to create a ‘political space’ for the Muslim community in the state. The paper explores the significance of the party’s engagement with the political structure by being part of governments within the frame of a secular democratic order to achieve its communitarian goal and thus establish political ascendancies from time to time. Muslim League’s negotiations with electoral politics in order to achieve political power and enhance their stake in the formulations of policies, especially for the Muslim community, are explored in this paper. This paper also examines Muslim League’s contribution toending the ‘political alienation’ experienced by Muslims in the immediate aftermath of independence and enhancing the political consciousness of the community

My Research Paper is mainly intended to explore the concept of Charity in the modern world. Charity is a universal phenomenon. It has various kinds such as religious, Social and Political. Modern World is the World of Skills, Techniques and Enterprises, as well as of Information, Communication and Technology. The charity is said to be Charity if it is fulfills the need of today and destitute otherwise it is only a showcase

The movement for a separate Telangana state has been hailed by many intellectuals as a democratic struggle of the people of a region against political domination and economic exploitation. The central government’s decision to create a new state is seen as an official recognition of the people’s aspiration for identity and self-rule. Interrogating such perceptions, this article examines the process by which a Telangana identity has been constructed and throws light on different factors that contributed to it. The Telangana identity is built partly on fact, and partly on half-truths, prejudices, and false hopes. Apart from intellectuals, the resurrection of the regional identity has been facilitated by the opportunism of political parties, in particular, the unjustifiable inaction of the left.There have been several movements to revoke the merger of Telangana and Andhra, major ones occurring in 1969, 1972, and 2009. The movement for a new state of Telangana gained a great momentum in the 21st Century with the fast initiated by Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao the Chief of Telangana Rashtra Samithi on November 29, 2009. On 9th December, 2009 the Government of India announced the process of formation of the Telangana state. Violent protests led by people in the Coastal Andhra and Rayalseema regions occurred immediately after the announcement, and the decision was put on hold on 23rd December, 2009. The movement continued in Hyderabad and other districts of Telangana. There have been hundreds of claimed suicides, strikes, protests and disturbances to public life demanding separate statehood. After many struggles, the state of Telangana was officially formed on 2nd June 2014, Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao was elected as the first chief minister of Telangana, following elections in which the Telangana Rastra Samithi party secured majority. Hyderabad will remain as the joint capital of both Telangana and Andhra Pradesh for a period of 10 years.

Muslims in Assam, consisting more than one third of total population of the state, are considered as the king maker in electoral politics of the state. Since independence, the community remained a vote bank of the Congress party in the state. However, after the Assam movement (1979-1985), the community declined to remain a vote bank of any political party. During this period, the community has tried to emerge as an autonomous political unit and has started to be offensive in politics of Assam. This paper is an attempt to understand how Muslims in Assam have tried to become autonomous political unit and offensive in politics of Assam during last three decades after Assam movement

The very difficult factually, and for analysis, modern political and psychological situation in Europe, causes us to see importance of our earlier works [1-7] that both give some coherent explanation to this situation and they obtain here additional justification. Definitely, the argument does not relate to everyone in the 1-billion population of Europe; for instance, we do not touch here the fascist elements with their traditional position toward foreigners. Such well known a "triviality" is just regretful.

The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), launched on 2nd February 2006, has empowered the Gram sabha to hold regular social audits of all the projects under the scheme for ensuring transparency and social accountability. Such kinds of social auditing mechanisms become essential in flagship schemes which are heavily financed by the State aimed at specific policy goals. When the available literatures on the implementation of MGNREGA speaks about its effect on the decline of internal migration, reforming rural wage patterns, building of rural assets, there is very little attention devoted towards the actual implementation of the MGNREGA in the letter and spirit of the Act. In reality, the conduct of social audit has not been uniform across the country as many states still lag behind in having an effective social audit. Social audits conducted sporadically have brought out the issues in the implementation of the Act and hence it is argued that MGNREGA has not yet been successful in achieving its goal of overall empowerment of rural poor due to manifold challenges embedded in the process of its implementation itself. It is in this context, the present paper intends to highlight the reality of the conduct of social audit under MGNREGA in Kalahandi district of Odisha state in India.

The Right to Information Act 2005 is gradually developed one. Right to information existed through in different context in various forms. This study tries to find points related to right to information from the Holy Bible.

Participation of women in Panchayati Raj System in tribal based district of Odisha like Mayurbhanj is an important discussion. It is more critical to the Sociao Economics/Progress of the community and to bring women into the major parts of National development for the Government. The empowerment of rural women is very important for the development of odisha as well as the backward district of Mayurbhanj. The empowerment and autonomy of women and development of women’s social, economical and political status is more essential for the achievement of an ideal Government, administration and sustainable development in all areas of life. It has been seen that the relations of power prevent women from leading fulfilling lives operate at many levels of society from personal to public.

In 2010, the Dera Sachkhand Ballan, followed by the Ravidassia chamars, asserted a discourse of separation from all religions, as an autonomous faith distinct from Hinduism and Sikhism. However, there is a growing tendency among the dalits, to subscribe to accommodation within more syncretic self-definitions of Hindu. Dalit identity has either been posited in contradiction to, or in conformity with the syncretic Hindu identity. This paper discusses the emerging possibility of the Ravidassia Chamars, to assert an all-encompassing Hindu identity instead of a distinct, separate and autonomous identity.

The ‘Matak’ alias ‘Mayamara’ refers to a Sect or Community whose religious way of life is based on the ideology of Aniruddhadeva, a Vaishnava saint of the early 17th century Assam. It hardly denotes a specific Jati, Tribe or Race as mistakenly labeled by some of the British writers as well as by a section of Mataks themselves. There have been people from several tribes and casts within the Matak community of Dibrugarh and Tinsukia districts, such as Moran, Ahom, Kachari, Chutia, Brahmin, Kayastha, Kalita and Kaivarta. During the prolonged Matak Rebellion against the Ahom State (1769-1805), and after that within the Matak State (1805-1842) itself several internal contradictions emerged among various groups within the Matak community taking the shape of sub-sectarian as well as political rivalry. The Mataks who are enlisted within the ‘More Other Backward Classes (MOBC) of Assam, now are demanding for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status from the Indian Government along with five other OBC/MOBC communities- Ahoms, Koch-Rajbangshis, Morans, Chutiyas and Adivasis (Tea tribes). The political demands of Mataks along with that of the other communities has recently become a crucial issue in the electoral politics of Assam. However, a little attempt has been made in this article to highlight various socio-economic determinants of Matak identity politics as well to assess the growth of modern political consciousness among the Matak community during early Colonial era.

For any nation, participation of women in the development process is of utmost necessity as they comprise of half of the population percentage. However low participation of women in politics is a problem in all of the democratic countries of the world today. In India post independence women have achieved unprecedented political breakthrough with the reservation of seats in the Panchayats and other public bodies. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act 1993 mandating atleast 1/3rd of the seat reservation for women is an important landmark in the history of Indian women’s participation in the formation of democratic institutions at the grass root level; it also provides political space to the disadvantaged sections of the society like Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and women. In this context, in the Indian state of Sikkim, the Panchayat (Amendment) Act, 2011 giving 50% reservation for women in Panchayats has been a landmark achievement. Moreover it is observed that the presence of women in Panchayat bodies is quite impressive as compared to the state Legislature. Hence this paper examines the participation of tribal women particularly the Bhutia and Lepcha tribal women in the east district of Sikkim. This paper has been written on the basis of qualitative and quantitative data collected from primary and secondary sources i.e. published books, statistical reports, research work, journals and newspaper and have discussed participation of Sikkim’s tribal women in politics in a descriptive manner. It also seeks to analyse whether the representation of tribal women from these two community through the reservation policy have been able to achieve successful rate of their political participation in the decision making process of the state.

This paper evaluates the art and craft of policy-making. The main focus of paper is, Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Indian Prime Minister of Independent India. Nehru, who led the India for seventeen years from 1947-1964, was also leader of the Indian National Congress party. Nehru also emerged as successor to Gandhi and attained a larger than life stature in Indian politics. The impact he had, has been long-lasting and far reaching. His admirers and critics alike, attribute the resilience of India’s democracy to his stewardship during the crucial decades after independence. Moreover, the first decade after independence was very crucial as the India got divided into two states on religious lines. This period was also important and vital phase in modern Indian history from colony to post-colonial state with important implications for the long-run consolidation of India’s modern democratic institutions. Nehru is the ‘pivotal actor’ given the power he gradually accumulated and thus his preferences, world view and ‘vision’ need to be explored in depth and detail. The core objective of the paper therefore is to turn attention towards Nehru, the political actor, to identify the challenges that he faced and the impact he had on the policies that were formulated and implemented under his leadership. In the backdrop of this, the present paper studies, two important policy choices by Jawaharlal Nehru, the secular state and a non-aligned foreign policy

Tourism industry is gaining a prominent role in socio-economic development of the regions, especially in developing countries. Today more and more countries are envisaging sustainable tourism. The pertinent question is how to promote tourism and ensure at the same time that it is a vehicle for growth and development, which is sustainable. In view of the fact that tourism is an economic activity which is deeply linked to a particular territory and to local variables, central governments may not always be able to manage the complexities of this industry and its impact on the economic and social environment. On the flip side, local governments can play an important role in tourism, as they seem to be in a better position to cope with issues related to the tourism industry. Could the Panchayats shoulder greater responsibility in this endeavour and play a proactive role in attaining the goal of sustainable tourism? The paper attempts to look into this possibility with a case study of Goa. The study is based on data collected through interviewing various stakeholders; the business community, the local residents, the elected leaders at the Panchayat level, Government officials, NGO members, tourists visiting the State, etc. Gram Sabha minutes of various Panchayats are reviewed to strengthen the present findings. The study reassures the fact that Panchayat, as a grassroots institution, can play a proactive role to ensure sustainable tourism in the state. Every Panchayat has to carry out dual function in this regards, the police function and that of a facilitator. It has the primary role of ensuring that the environment for both locals and the tourists is clean, safe, healthy, accessible and stimulating. It should mobilize the social, financial and natural capital of a place towards sustainable tourism which will benefit the local community.

The role of local conflicts is important to understand sectional and communal differences in post-colonial societies. In spite of the rhetoric of democracy and secularism, state governance has not been successful in restraining instances of communal conflicts and also the incessant rise of jingoism and parochial tendencies within mainstream politics. The absence of a linear progression in the improvement of social relations between people, especially between religious communities is indeed puzzling. This problem has also engulfed the Indian state. These events not only contradict the image of India as a secular democratic state, but also question the legitimacy of conferring such designations as ‘responsible’ and ‘rising’ upon the Indian state. These internal conflicts throw light upon inherent deficiencies of the Indian state and raises apprehensions about its international perceptions. Rather than explaining this scenario, it is important to understand the background of such confrontation between communities. From the perspective of Critical Security Studies, it is possible to contextualise conflicts within post-colonial societies and understand their relevance in global society. In this paper, an attempt has been made in transcending the gulf between the local and the global through engaging in episodes of internal violence.

Indian national politics witnessed the emergence of one of the most promising and prominent national party of India, of current times, Bhartiya Janta Party. This paper attempts to trace the dynamics behind BJP’s rise to its current stature. Data for this paper comes from Election Commission of India. Our analysis suggest that Bhartiya Janta Party has capitalized and thrived on the idea of anti-minorityism by developing strong foothold in the hindi speaking states (the cow-belt region of India) which were also the states with most number of seats being reserved for SCs and STs and also on its capability to manoeuvre coalitions.

This paper seeks to identify and analyse some of the key areas of convergence of interests of India and US in Afghanistan in the existing international environment. The changed security discourse in post 9/11 period accompanied by significant structural changes in world politics provided an opportunity to both India and US to foster a durable partnership in Afghanistan to their mutual advantage. Though both the countries have taken some important initiatives in this direction, yet these steps so far have not been effectively synergized with the prevailing ground realities and desired policy coordination with other state actors in the region. This lack of coordination with other important stakeholders in Afghanistan can prove costly to both the countries in the long run.So, while responding to Trump administration’s call for an enlarged Indian presence in Afghanistan, India needs to convey this message to Washington loud and clear. The extent to which India succeeds in doing so is going to determine her regional and global status as an emerging power.

Bhutan is a landlocked Himalayan Kingdom in the eastern part of South Asia. The People’s Republic of China is on its north and the country is surrounded by India on its south east and west. In the early 20th century, Bhutan came into contact with the British rulers in India. After India’s de-colonization, Bhutan retained strong bilateral relations with India. The country started shifting from absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy through its elections in 2008.As the process of democratization takes root in Bhutan it has started to change Indo centric foreign policy. Existence of domestic pressure compelled Bhutan to establish limited economic ties with China. And in the recent Doklam Crisis Bhutan played a role of sovereign state and request both India and China withdraw army and bring back normalcy in the region.

The New Economic Order emerged post 1973 Oil Crisis concurrently associated with creation of OPEC in the form of a detailed economic plan suggested by some of the developing countries through the UNCTAD. But this new order died within few years of its inception mainly because of the camaraderie among the developing nations vanishing due to conflicting economic interests. Notwithstanding above, the authors feel that NIEO of yesteryears still exists and greatly effects the world citizenry and the Indian socio-politico-economic system through increased focus on trans-border trade cooperation’s, development of renewable energy sources, protection of consumer rights, globalization-liberalisation-privatization, self-reliance, Make in India, FDI, Skill India and Start Up India besides rapid industrialisation, spread of banking, internet and e-commerce and increased transparency of governmental functioning with an unprecedented accessibility of members of the Indian government on social media.

The article will discuss about the various factors and the standard of growth and development of various states from the first five year plan to present. With the ease in the regulations and the licensing to set up industries it acts as stepping stones for the states and the country to achieve development. With the investment of such an amount in one of the backward states would have helped in boosting the SGDP and improve the growth and development of Odisha. The state government with changing its policies allowed setting up the various industries to generate employment and improve the living standard of the people. The setting up of POSCO was boon as well as ban for the state. The project will mainly focus on the impact of the project on local inhabitants. With the land acquisition they are being alienated from their land that directly affects the livelihood of these people. Other important aspect of the project will be the impact of POSCO on environment as the setting up of the Industry had clearing 2958 acres of forest land on which 471 families are directly or indirectly dependent on these forests. The growth of any state or a country is a sense of pride for any citizen or the people but it should not be on the cost of the environment and its people. The study will include the perspective of people supporting and opposing the project. The project would help in understanding the challenges faced by the government and administration from various sects of the society in starting of POSCO.

The print media including the regional newspapers are relied upon by the people as credible sources of information, education and entertainment. Various studies on print media all across the globe have shown that in the past few years there has been an improved and increased reportage of issues regarding women in the media particularly in the print. News related to women is now increasingly occupying important slot. Based on a content analysis of an English daily newspaper, Greater Kashmir, this paper examines how women’s issues get portrayed. It also focuses on the coverage made by the newspaper regarding women’s issues. The kinds of situation Kashmiri Women live in; the regional newspaper holds an utmost importance in preserving the data on the status of women.

Allama Iqbal and Peter Berger are the two illustrious social theorists of their respective times. Both of these philosophers have an immense contribution in their respective fields, as Iqbal is the world renowned peot-philospher and religion was his desired topic, Peter Berger is living legend around the sociological and has a great authority on sociology of religion with his theories of Secularization and De-Secularization. The paper will focus on the comparative study of Iqbal’s and Berger’s philosophy of religion and will study comparatively the theory of secularization and de-Secularization. The paper will focus on the Iqbal’s and Peter Berger’s concern about the future of mankind and clash of various civilizations.

The dynamic and revolutionary aspects of our Constitutional democratic framework intrinsically geared not only to political freedom but also socio-economic transformation and human progress. Part III of the Constitution contains the “Fundamental Rights”, including the right to life, which in conventional human rights parlance may be termed as civil and political rights (CPR). Part IV of the Constitution contains the “Directive Principles of State Policy” (DPSP), which include all the economic, social and cultural rights (ESCR) such as the right to food. Food security is a basic human right, indeed it is a pre-condition for the full enjoyment of the right to food. The ‘trust deficit’ at the recent 2017 Eleventh Ministerial Conference to find a permanent solution for food security highlighted that food security should be considered as a complex democratic issue in the prevailing global governance paradigm. In this context, the paper attempts to sociologically analyze the “paradox” prevailing at both national (as a food surplus nation) and global (rules and agreements based on the notion of free trade) levels.

The word ‘Development’ is widely used to describe the journey of mankind’s success. Development is multifaceted concept used by different sections of the society starting with the Organic development to the institutional development to economic development. Concept of development is extensively used by economist primarily used in the reference with the income numbers and growth of economy. Later on in eighteenth century few economist started it relating with the well being and standard of living of common living. Amertya Sen a renowned economist explains the concept of development in wider sense, quote “ It is not hard to see why the concept of development is so essential to Economics in general. Economic problem do of course involve logistic issues and a lot of it is undoubtedly ‘engineering’ on one another on the other hand. The success of all this has to be judged ultimately in the terms of what does to the lives of human beings.” At large it is related with change, modernity, liberalization and welfare. However on several platform it is misleading, unreal, exaggerated and overrated as far as the mass welfare is concern. To understand and to evaluate the impact of development we need to look in the reference of developed and undeveloped countries. It has to be analyzed in the context of rich nation’s agenda of development and its impact on the poor nation especially country like India, which has diverse aspects in the context of development.

This research paper deals with the challenges in a Himalayas community living in the hills of Sikkim is facing on account of their gradual subjugated by the Chogyals (king) of Sikkim. Limboo tribes remained subjugated till date and identified as ‘Sikkemese Nepali’ (immigrants from Nepal) and regarded as the Hindu Nepalese. Referring to the history of Sikkim Limboo is one the indigenous tribes of Sikkim along with Lepchas but the claim of being indigenous inhabitant of Sikkim is still lack. The Limboo tribes are in stage of ethnic mobilization through culturally and politically. They are fighting for the rights and going back to their histories and more oriented towards their culture, traditional habitat, reshaping their identity, trying to do away this immigrant status with political and cultural processes and claims for the distinct ethnic identity,

It is said that the teacher is the real maker of history. He is the architect who builds re –builds shapes and re-shapes the psychological world of the young members of the society it he has cast a plaster the look is spoiled it he has handled the life building of the young ones successfully the structure is not only stable but attractive as well nobody can deny the fact that the teacher is the real nation builder it is he who constructs the society it is the human agency that up holds or mars the cultural traclitions ideals and values at the society this human agency is trained in the task by the teacher. If we observe minutely. We are sure to come to the conclusion that in almost all the teachers played their rules successfully and brought about prosperity and progress to that land. But how is it possible? It can be achieved only when the teachers have certain characteristics and qualities in them.

Before 21st century, in India the education was provided by traditional methods. The traditional method includes long-hour sitting of students to teacher monologues. More emphasis was given on theory and less importance was given to practical based education. But in 21st century, the use of science and technology has been increased. In the present scenario the expectations of the stockholders are also increased about schools. Interactive classroom are the demand of the society by which their kids can gain knowledge in short time and in interesting way also. The main objective of the study to explores the impact of smart classroom environment on academic achievement of the students. The sample consists of 60 Secondary school students especially of IX class only of Jind district of Haryana. Randomized Groups Pre-test- Post- Test Design was used by the investigators. Data were analysed with the help of Mean, S.D. and t-test. The result shows that the smart class room environment enhance the level of academic achievement of students.

Marketing approaches use advertising as a popular form aimed at drawing attention of consumers towards a product, a service or an idea. It can be in an audio or a visual form with an openly sponsored, non-personal message for promotion or selling purposes. Advertisements may employ emotional appeal as a method of persuasion to the consumers. Emotional appeal creates an emotional response and has attracted advertisers in recent years. Yet, little is known about how exactly it works from a consumers’ perspective. Taking the visual ads of Cadbury Dairy Milk chocolates as a case study, this paper explores the emotional tone of ads and their effect on consumer’s attitude towards the ad, the brand, and the forwarding intentions.