Prikaz // Review: Dženita Sarac-Rujanac, Branko Mikulic: Politicka biografija 1965-1989, Institut za historiju Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2020, 557 str.

The beginning of the 19th and the 20th century marked the period of nations constitution in southeastern Europe and greater care for nations oases living out of their parent nations. Sometimes that care turned into intended or unintended hegemony over other nations. This phenomenon is actual even today in various nations, especially in the Balkans, so it is interesting how "the care of the people out of their home country" (nowadays people would say "diaspora"), implemented various "actions" that were sometimes politically conducted from the Austro-Hungarian centres of power to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia, especially in the case of the Hungarian governments pro-government project "Julian Action". So-called Julian Action was not unique at that time, neither it was the only, nor the first or special, but it can be somewhat comparable to the same work methodology in the same regions, for example, with the similar German project Schulvereine, the Italian action by Dante Alighieri, and even to not so significant Slavic action of the Cyril and Methodius societies, as well as to some other less-known "actions" that operated abroad, mainly outside the home countries, on the territory of Austria-Hungary. The opposite views were mostly manifested in the interpretation of justification, of Julian Action (which got the prosaic name). For instance, the Hungarian side (similar to German, Italian ... through their associations), justified the action of the association "Julian" by the care of its own people outside the borders of the home state (in order to preserve identity, culture and language). On the contrary, the Croatian (and also Bosnian-Herzegovinian,…) side in the activity of the "Julian" organization recognized a sort of political alienation and Hungarization (or Germanization, Italianization, ...) of the majority of domicile population. The Hungarian Julian campaign was conducted on the basis of: A) Statute of the Julian Society, (voted in 1903), and B) Hungarian, Bosnian-Herzegovinian and Croatian-Slavonic-Dalmatian laws. For example, the Hungarian Julian Schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia could be founded, organized and act not only on the basis of the applicable Hungarian laws, but also on the basis of the school laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, which allowed and even encouraged the organization of public and private schools, rural and wilderness schools ( through Hungarian Julian schools), factory schools (Hungarian state railway schools), confessional schools (e. g. Hungarian reformatory schools), which opened a wide area of the Hungarian Julian Action operation from 1904 in Croatia and Slavonia, and from the 1908 occupation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A vast majority of pupils were of non-German nationality, and they were enrolled there because of better conditions, employment opportunities in enterprises, state and public services, as well as because of future education. Hungarian schools and Hungarian railways, as well as Hungarian churches and societies in Croatia and Slavonia, existed in the second half of the 19th century. They had the purpose of implementing the so-called Hungarian State Thought (Magyar Állami eszme), which had been politically instrumentalized. Since 1904 until the end of the First World War they put the so-called Julian action into their systems and programmes. Almost identical relationship had existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1908. There were constant conflicts between the state of Hungary and Julian campaign with the majority of Slavic population outside of Hungary, for example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

PRIKAZ/REVIEW Senaid Hadžic, PRIMJERI SUŽIVLJENJA: BILJEŠKE O TUZLANSKOM KRAJU U 19. STOLJECU, Arhiv Tuzlanskog kantona, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Društvo arhivskih zaposlenika Tuzlanskog kantona, Tuzla 2017, 467 str.

PRIKAZ/REVIEW Izet Šabotic, CIFCIJSKI ODNOSI I PROMJENA VLASNIŠTVA NAD ZEMLJOM U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1878-1918), Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 320 str.

PRIKAZ/REVIEW Damir Bošnjakovic, TOJŠICI OD SREDNJEG VIJEKA DO 1958. GODINE, Knjiga Prva, Arhiv Tuzlanskog kantona, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, JU Bosanski kulturni centar „Alija Izetbegovic“ Kalesija, Tuzla 2018, 189 str.

PRIKAZ/REVIEW NA MARGINI POVIJESTI, Edicija Zbornici, knjiga 5, Udruženje za modernu historiju Sarajevo, Sarajevo 2018, 181 str.

PRIKAZ/REVIEW Adnan Jahic, MUSLIMANSKO ŽENSKO PITANJE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1908-1950), Bošnjacka nacionalna zajednica za Grad Zagreb i Zagrebacku županiju, Zagreb 2017, 552 str.

There are many forgotten significant persons in Bosnian-Bosniak history, who through their knowledge and work made a significant contribution to the development of Bosnian society and the Bosniak national identity in the time and place they lived in. The most forgotten significant Bosniaks are those who lived and worked during the reign of the Ottoman state of Bosnia. One of such persons is Hadji Husein eff. Ðozic Ruhi, kadi (judge) from Srebrenica and Nikšic naib (viceroy). He lived in Srebrenica in the 19th century. Educated in Istanbul, he worked for as a judge in three towns and two empires. In this paper, we are talking about Haji Husein eff. Ðozic, his life and work, and the significance of the documents preserved, to understand Bosnian society and the position of Bosnians in the second half of the 19th century in Srebrenica and Nikšic.

The paper provides a brief overview of the significance and role of religious intelligence of Bosniaks in the field of affirmation of written texts in the Austro-Hungarian period. An overview of this kind of activity of Bosniak religious intelligence in the Austro-Hungarian period offers us a clearer picture of one important dimension in the process of development of the Bosniak people and challenges of adaptation to the new circumstances in a very turbulent transition period. The "heralds" of the new era, when speaking of the written words of Bosniaks at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, played a significant enlightening role that the previous historical science did not emphasize sufficiently.

The past and present are inseparable, "holding hands". Breakthrough epochs always influence re-thinking of the perpetrator. Everything that happened has more perspective. The dramatic flows of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans, even in Bosnia and Herzegovina, can not be universally perceived as separate from the wider European / global context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of extreme interest logic, deosmanization and balkanization models. Long-term processes outperform different time periods and spatial boundaries. In them appearances, mental circles and ideologies are slowly changing. This also applies to the content of the relief sections of the "Eastern Question" and its sleeves, whose controversial paradigms, along with policy and instrumentalized science, transcend the boundaries of the centuries and continents. The view that Muslims are "aliens" in Europe is part of a mentality known and under his mask. What is known to the foreign public, especially in the "Western world", is known about the "Ottoman Balkans" and Muslims, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniaks, which presents serious doctrine, but also what produces quasi-narratives and tendentious publications has never been insignificant. Each historiography is a product of ones own time, whose interests often determine not only questions that, especially influential scientists, set a complex past, but also answers, resisting its different perceptions. Prejudices and negative stereotypes, whose powerful social crisis generators and wars, immune to counter-arguments arising from opposing experiences and knowledge, articulate and uncritically articulate into historiographical interpretations. The truth to which it strives is a "whole" is not in one place and in the historiography of one nation, it requires a multiperspectival narrative.

The Berlin Congress in 1878 ended the war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, but above all the revision of the San Stefano peace treaty in order to prevent the spread of Russian influence in the Balkans. Austria - Hungary has been given the mandate to occupy and manage Bosnia and Herzegovina. The planned peaceful occupation was oppressed by the people, and the Austro-Hungarian army was given fierce resistance. Nevertheless, Bosnia is occupied with a large number of forces, but also civilian casualties. Official reports state that Austro-Hungary fulfilled the conditions that it bargained in Berlin, but the reality after the occupation was different from that which was found on the paper. The new administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina has made deep and radical changes in the socio - political system, but above all in the lives of ordinary people. The transition of a society that was going on very slowly and complicated had far-reaching consequences, especially on demographic trends in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demographic changes after 1878 were the result of several factors, primarily the establishment of a new government, a new legal order, a cultural and social transition, and the reorganization of religious life. The centuries-old and, to the greatest extent, the privileged position of Bosnia in the Ottoman Empire was changed to the province of the dual monarchy with the supreme military administrator. The nation was not given the right to participate in the governance of its own country. Every change was pronounced and most often at the expense of the domicile majority Bosniak population. The fact that this period, as in the past, today has a great interest in studying from different points of view, I would like to give a brief review of the demographic changes that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina after its occupation.

Newspapers, either daily or periodic, represent a significant source of study on cultural and entertainment life in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The magazine Pregled dealed with social, economic and cultural issues of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Through our work, we follow the writings on agrarian issues of the magazine Pregled in the first period of his appearance running from 1910 until 1913. Pregled shows an agrarian issue as a crucial one and consequently apporoaches it from all sides. It follows the agrarian events in other countries of Europe, draws parallels, and eventually gives proposals for the same events in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The paper presents the Memorandum-Request from 1912 by Osman-bey Pašic, a landowner from Bijeljina, addressed to the Minister of Finance of Bilinski. The Memorandum highlighted numerous irregularities and difficulties encountered by Bosniak landowners and Bosniaks in Semberia. Particularly pointed out was the problem of the relationship between serfs (cifcije) and landowners, where the expression of disregard for obligations by serfs, as well as the usurpation of property occurred. In this way, the economic status of landowners has largely diminished. In addition, the security, religious, political and social rights of Bosniaks in this area were significantly compromised. So, the relation of the agas - landowners and serfs was not only of a commercial nature, but also of a national-political one. In such procedures, the authorities of Bijeljina did not function adequately, and in the memorandum minister Bilinski was asked to intervene, in order for the government to start acting. This document is only one of documents confirming all the complexity and stratification of agrarian relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina during this period, which were particularly complex in the area of Semberija.

The murder of the Austro-Hungarian crown prince Franco Ferdinand and his wife, Sofia Hohenberg, in Sarajevo in 1914, opened numerous questions and controversies. Opposite conclusions and observations on this issue were elaborated not only by historians, but by politologists, sociologists, psychologists, and others, which was only one of the reasons why many issues in this issue remain in the sphere of controversial answers. It is therefore to be assumed that the giving of the final scientific court, the murder that triggered the world cataclysm, will continue to be the subject of many discussions and controversies. In this paper, the author sought to highlight events from this turbulent time in the Herzegovina region based on archival material, which has not been published so far.

The author analyzes the impact of war events in Croatia on national relations in the Bosnian Krajina in 1991. The Serbian autonomous region of Krajina (later the Republic of Srpska Krajina) in Croatia and the Autonomous Region of Krajina (ARK) in the northwestern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina were the first to form autonomous areas according to the ethnic principle in the process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia as formal-legal successors of the communities of municipalities. The narrow military and political cooperation, the issue of mobilizing the population of the Bosnian Krajina in the Yugoslav Peoples Army (JNA) and the problem of refugees, significantly influenced national relations in this part of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

PRIKAZ/REVIEW Fikret Karcic, PRAVNO-HISTORIJSKE STUDIJE, Centar za napredne studije, Sarajevo 2016, 192 str. ,

IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT Izvještaj sa NAUCNE MANIFESTACIJE „HISTORIJSKI POGLEDI“, Tuzla, 8. i 9. novembar 2018. godine

IZVJEŠTAJ/CONFERENCE REPORT AKTIVNOSTI CENTRA ZA ISTRAŽIVANJE MODERNE I SAVREMENE HISTORIJE TUZLA U 2018. GODINI // ACTIVITIES OF CENTER FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY HISTORY TUZLA IN 2018. ,

The question of the entry of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Kingdom of the SHS is important to research and study through the columns of the National Unity, the official newsletter of the new national authorities. Although in its first issue it was announced with pomp, it was an independent newsletter, it was everything, but not independently. Namely, this is a school example of the Edict list, which served to glorify the new state of Slovenians, Croats and Serbs, and later to glorify the unification into the Kingdom, that is, first of all, the glorification of the Serbian element in the Kingdom of the SHS. This work follows the information contained in columns from November 4, when the first number of the National Unity was published, until December 26, 1918, or less than two months.

The author of the paper presents the state of literacy of the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina until the Second World War, and in particular explains the activities that are conducted with regard to the literacy of the population in the period of the National Liberation War (NOR). Certainly, a special review was given to the presentation of the literacy process of the population, which is an outgrowth for regular primary school education, and on the activities that took place on the occasion of the NOR on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition, the literacy of children through attending elementary school, as well as literacy in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the fascist occupation and administration of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), were partly given in order to review the framework state. Bosnia and Herzegovina had a very high percentage of the illiterate population before the Second World War. How fascist occupation, warfare, human and material losses have compounded this picture, and whether during the war, in the liberated areas, adequate methods of working for the literacy of the population were found, the author explains on the pages of this paper.

The school system represents one of the most important segments for each state and society. For this reason, and for a number of other reasons, the authorities are trying to put schools under their control. Through the education of Bosnia and Herzegovina, political, economic, cultural, national and other goals of the ruling political elites were achieved. The curricula removed contents whose educational goals were in line with the interests of the Austro-Hungarian regime. The ruling elite was spreading the idea of a "three-nation nation", seeking to create a unique political, economic, educational and cultural space. Schools were given the task of developing the idea of a common fold and the idea of ' national and national unity '. The idea, in the view of the ruling elite, could have been realized by schools, not by the army and officials. Teachers who had to respond to the ' spirit of the times ', as well as curricula and textbooks, played an important role in achieving the goals. Significant changes were made in the group of national subjects (history, geography, Serbian or Croatian language), with an emphasis on the history and geography of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and works on Serbian, Croatian or Slovenian literature were prescribed for the school textbook. Most of the textbooks were written by authors from Croatia and Serbia, while only a small number were from Bosnia and Herzegovina.

On October 26 and 27, 1969, a devastating earthquake hit Banja Luka and fourteen neighbouring municipalities. The reconstruction of the affected area will become a very important issue causing a kind of earthquake in the relations of Bosnia and Herzegovinas leadership with the Federal Government and the other republics. In the early 1970s, the whole complexity of multi-year struggle for the equal status and treatment of the Republic in the Federation was reflected in it. In the paper, we track the multi-month negotiations overthe funding sources, the contribution of the Federation and the other republics in the construction and renovation of the Bosanska Krajina (the Bosnian Frontier) and we also indicate the political consequences of this natural disaster.

In this article, the author briefly referred to the life and work of Mustafa Kamaric, an almost forgotten professor at the Faculty of Law in Sarajevo, and the correspondent member of the Academy of Sciences and Art of Bosnia and Herzegovina, born in Gracanica. In the first part of the article, the author writes about Kamarics youth, education and studies at the Faculty of Law, after which he writes about his employment in Belgrade, where he was in the first ranks of young Bosniak intelligentsia as a cadet, drawing attention not only as an activist, but also as a talented researcher of the then social circumstances and conditions in which the Bosniaks lived. At the same time, he was engaged in the social and cultural life of Gracanica, especially during the summer holidays and shorter excursions to his hometown. Bearing in mind that this theme has been discussed quite a lot so far, this article focuses more on the more mature era of this intellectual, his work at the Law Faculty in Sarajevo, and the contribution to the development of the legal thought, as well as his remarkable engagement in professional and social circles, especially in the highest authorities and bodies of the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

More than a quarter of a century after the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent state outside of Yugoslavia, a period for a comparative analysis of historiographic results is appropriate. In this paper, attention is devoted to the treatment of Bosnian territory in various social frameworks, financial and personnel capacities, affinities and ideological orientations. Certain areas of scientific work, of course, had a natural sequence of activities, some needed to be adjusted, while approaches and focus in some fields developed completely new forms in the spirit of contemporary osmanism. The planned exhibition is a collection of practical experiences in the field of the Ottoman work in both the Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav periods.

Reis Ibrahim effendi Fejic was a man of great intellect, a brave and daring intellectual, a man who unselfishly advocated for public interests, an outstanding scholar of spirituality and tradition in Bosnia and Herzegovina. He was a good philologist and polyglot. He was fluent in Arabic, Turkish and Persian, and he also used German. He was also engaged in publishing, working with many religious and state magazines and newspapers. He was a major supporter of reforms in religious and religious-educational life led by Reis-ul-Ulema Mehmed Džemaludin Cauševic. During the Second World War he committed himself to the National Liberation Movement, actively participating and bravely raising his voice against the crimes and persecution of innocent people no matter what religion or nation they belonged to. Five members of his family even gave their lives in the fight against fascism and for the liberation of the country. He held the Reis-ul-Ulema position in the period between 1947 and 1957, when he retired having reached a ripe old age. Despite the complex historical circumstances after the Second World War, Reis-ul-Ulema Ibrahim effendi Fejic carried out a series of activities aimed at improving the organisational, infrastructural, educational, cultural and religious circumstances within the Islamic community. With regard to emerging opportunities, marked by the narrowing of religious rights and freedoms, Reis Fejic invested a lot of energy and knowledge to preserve the basic functions of the community. Furthermore, he stood out as a tolerant man in his work, who worked on building good-neighbourly relations with other religious communities and preventing revanchism in the post-war period.

The protests that affected the student population in 1968 around the world did not go beyond Yugoslavia. The first Belgrade, and then the students of other Yugoslav universities, launched demonstrations and highlighted the demands for more equitable relations in society. Student demonstrations in Yugoslavia that erupted in June 1968, were a series of public demonstrations and strikes and other protest actions that took place at universities in Yugoslavia, with special emphasis on demonstrations of students from the Belgrade University. The year 1968 is a symbol of revolution and historical change in society, and student revolutionary mood, mini-revolution, demonstrations, riots and dissatisfaction spread from the United States to Europe, and from Paris through Prague to Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana and Sarajevo. Student dissatisfaction was initiated by the inefficiency of the implementation of economic and social reform, and the decline in the standard of living not only of the broader strata of society, which had a negative impact on the student population. During the student mini-revolution, they were trying to gain for their ideals the working class, convincing them in equal interests and the only way to the desired goal, but without success. In this connection, this paper seeks to draw on the basis of the press (Oslobodjenje and Front Freedom) and letters and telegrams addressed to the Union of Students of the Belgrade University to demonstrate that the employees of the company and mine in the Tuzla region reacted to these student demonstrations in Belgrade, then the schools, college students and others. By holding a meeting of working collectives, choirs, then sending letters and telegrams, they condemned the actions of students, but also gave full support to Tito in building a self-managing socialist society.

Muslims began to arrive in the area of Sisak and Kordun in a larger number only in the sixties of the twentieth century. Most of them came to Sisak from the West Bosnian municipalities of Bosanski Novi, Bosanska Krupa, Cazin, Velika Kladusa, Prijedor, Bosanska Dubica, while they came to Kordun mainly from the areas of Velika Kladusa and Cazin. Displacement into an urban center like Sisak in a labor camp in Capraga was a completely different character since settling in the rural zone between the Black Stream and Katinovec in the north and the Masina in the south (more than 50 kilometers distance). Sisak-based workers from western Bosnia came to Sisak for employment, while the Greater Cold and Cazin Muslims settled in Kordun mainly due to overpopulation in the zones in which they lived. The life rhythms of each other differed greatly. Metallurgical workers had permanent incomes, lived in specially built buildings mixed with other workers to those who had other religions and nationalities. The standard of living for all the workers in Caprago was much more equal, and despite religious and national differences, immigrant children entered national and religious mixed marriages. In contrast, the Cordon Muslims lived in very closed communities that remained religious and nationally homogeneous. This group, scattered in ten villages and hamlets at a distance and several kilometers from each other, lived mainly from agriculture and livestock, and individuals worked in Slovenia, Austria and Germany while their families lived in Kordun villages. Most of the Muslims who worked abroad were able to earn enough money to build houses not far from their home villages in a given period and thus maintain ties with friends and relatives and have the opportunity to create their own economy. Being engaged in farming and livestock farming, these Muslims lived, according to their own perception, in a fertile land from the land in the Cazin region. There is another big difference between Sisacki and Kordun Muslims. For the last war (1991-1995), the Kordun Muslims experienced an exodus, most often in their native places in western Bosnia, and they mobilized into various armies (from the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, through the grandmother to the army of the Republic of Srpska Krajina and the Croatian Army). Some of them, due to circumstances in which they found themselves during the war in several armies, and those who escaped or were expelled in 1991 captured the stolen, destroyed and burnt property when they returned after Operation Storm in 1995. By contrast, the Muslims of Sisak and its surroundings were very often Croatian volunteers and participated in the defense of their places of residence (eg Mošcenica) and other settlements in Banija and Croatia. Due to their religious and national affiliation, some of them had problems in the Croatian Army, and many did not exercise their rights as Croatian defender in the post-war period. After the war, the Kordun community increased by influx of new Muslims and high natural increase, while the Sisak community largely stagnated stagnated, and has recently been somewhat reduced due to the complete collapse of Sisak Ironworks, or the departure of younger persons abroad to work.

Aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina marked the last decade of the 20th century. Aggression was carried out by Serbia and Montenegro in order to realize the project of creating a "Greater Serbia". Since the preparation of the aggression was in progress, the agreement was reached between the Serbian and Croatian leaders on the division of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the goal, as they said, the definitive solution of the Serbo-Croatian issue, and in the essence of rounding up "their big states" to the account of Bosnia and Herzegovina it is to aggression both from the east and from the west. Aggression was also supported by traitors from Bosnia as well. Aggression resulted in the occupation of a large part of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the goal was fully realized, the Bosniak population was eliminated. A part of the population was killed, a part was imprisoned in the camps, and a part expelled. The expulsion meant saving only the bare life and leaving the entire property to the aggressor. All the property was looted, and after that, the aggressor tried to destroy everything that could testify that the Bosniaks lived there (from cemeteries to religious buildings). So it was about ethnic cleansing carried out by doing all kinds of crimes, including genocide. In the expulsion operation or to use the euphemism of displacement (that is, the "human migration of the population", as the aggressor called it), the International community was implicated through some of its organizations (Red Cross, UNHCR, etc.). The expelled population in the first phase ended in territory controlled by the forces of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH), and after that part was moved to the so-called "third country”. In very rare cases, the prisoners detained in the camps, if they declared that they would go to third countries immediately, were moved from the camp in accelerated procedure. The idea was that the Bosniak population had to leave Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this way, more than 70% of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina was "cleared" from Bosniaks. In this paper, we will focus on ethnic cleansing (displacement), methods and directions of displacement, and on statistical indicators of the number of displaced persons.

Bosnia and Herzegovina has been fighting for centuries through centuries in order to remain a unique, complete, independent and sovereign state. Throughout its many years of history, the various rulers who shared, appropriated, gave and took parts of its territory without any consequences were replaced in its territory. Following the independence referendum held on February 29 and March 1, 1992, the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina followed on 6 April 1992 by the European Community (EC) in its existing borders. On June 30, 1999, Bosnia and Herzegovina signed the Border Agreement with the Republic of Croatia, but it has never been ratified by the Croatian Parliament or by the Bosnia and Herzegovina Parliament. When it comes to the territorial demarcation of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the neighboring countries, the opinion of the Badinter Arbitration Commission of the Conference on Yugoslavia, which defined the boundaries of delimitation based on some rules of international law, is important. In this regard, it is necessary to point out the legal significance of Opinion no. 3. Arbitration commissions which read: "The borders between former federal units are considered to be the borders of the successor states, and can not be changed by force, but only by agreement". The principle of "uti possidetis" can serve as a basis for defining the land borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina with neighboring countries. The gaining of Bosnia and Herzegovinas independence and its international recognition has sparked an interest in the issue of identification, that is, determining its land borders with neighboring countries, as well as the sea delineation with the Republic of Croatia. The international recognition of new states implies clearly and undoubtedly the limits of its sovereignty.