PRIKAZ // REVIEW: Bilo bi bolje da nismo uopce došli i da nismo ništa ucinili. Guillaume Ancel, Vent Glacial sur Sarajevo (Memoires de Guerre), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2017, 224 str.

PRIKAZ//REVIEW: 75. godišnjica Prvog zasjedanja ZAVNOBiH-a: Povijesna utemeljenost obnovljene državnosti Bosne i Hercegovine u 20. i 21. stoljecu, Zbornik radova, Posebna izdanja, knjiga CLXXIX, Odjeljenje društvenih nauka, knjiga 11/1, Odjeljenje humanistickih nauka, knjiga 46/1, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2019, 574 str.

PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Šerbo Rastoder, Novak Adžic, Moderna istorija Crne Gore 1988-2017. Od prevrata do NATO pakta, Knj. I-III, Daily Press-Vijesti, Podgorica 2020, 1776 str.

PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Edin Radušic, Dvije Bosne: Britanske putopisne i konzularne slike Bosne i Hercegovine, njenog stanovništva i medusobnih odnosa, Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2019, 259 str.

PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Historijski pogledi//Historical Views, god. II, br. 2, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2019, 485 str.

PRIKAZ//REVIEW: Staro ruho – Novi sadržaji. Glasnik Bihora, br. 5, JU Centar za kulturu Petnjica, Petnjica 2020, 380 str.

IZVJEŠTAJ//CONFERENCE REPORT: Izvještaj sa Naucne manifestacije Historijski pogledi 2, Tuzla, 8. i 9. novembar 2019. godine

Aktivnosti Centra za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla u 2019. godini // Activities of Center for Research of Modern and Contemporary History Tuzla in 2019.

Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for todays Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920. Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions. How do they overlap and intersect. How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place. The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the history of collective memory and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs (Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers Party, Croatian Peoples Party, Farmers Union, Peoples Radical Party). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers Party, Croatian Peoples Party, Farmers Union, Peoples Radical Party) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovinas political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.

After the Second World War, great changes took place in the cultural field. The CPY has turned the changes that have taken place in the field of educational and cultural policy into an instrument for achieving ideological goals and spreading ones own political ideas. A significant part of the cultural and artistic life of Bosnia and Herzegovina, northeastern Bosnia, and Tuzla took place through sections of societies that were mainly labeled national, workers, officials, rural and school amateurs. Cultural activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina were partly carried out through national cultural and educational societies, among Bosniaks Preporod, among Serbs Prosvjeta, and among Croats Napredak. Founded with the aim of educating the people and creating intelligence in their national corps, the societies eventually expanded their activities to organize illiteracy courses, establish libraries, reading rooms, cooperatives, cultural sections, and engage in publishing. National cultural and educational societies quickly came under attack from the state, where the cultural and educational work of societies began to be centralized with the formation of district and city associations of cultural and educational societies, and the final liquidation of national cultural and educational societies took place in March 1949. In addition to the renewed national societies, cultural and artistic activities were also performed by singing choirs, theater and artistic groups that were founded during the war, and workers cultural and artistic societies began to be established. One of them is the workers cultural and artistic association Mitar Trifunovic-Uco, founded in 1945 in Tuzla. The society was named after a hero and a famous fighter for workers rights, who gave his life for freedom. The action committee for founding the company consisted of: president Aljo Mutevelic, treasurer Pašaga Becirbašic, secretary Hashim Mutevelic and two councilors Mustafa Tinjic and Mehmedalija Hukic. In the first five months, the company Mitar Trifunovic Uco gave six performances. During 1946, the workers cultural and artistic association Mitar Trifunovic-Uco had notable performances at performances and concerts. In 1947, this society gave numerous events and participated in various ceremonies, and among others visited the builders of the Šamac-Sarajevo railway, participated in the opening ceremony of the Stupari-Kladanj railway, and had several guest appearances in Banovici, Zenica and Zavidovici, then Tešanj and Teslic. In 1948, the workers cultural and artistic association Mitar Trifunovic-Uco had 39 performances. The beginning of 1948 was a turning point in the work of this society. At the beginning of 1948, the company organized its management, organized better work in all its sections, so that each section got its own manager. In addition, the material conditions were arranged, the necessary inventory, clothes and technical material were procured. The work of the society had almost completely died down since September 1948. No section of this society worked, only the choir and orchestra somehow performed, starting to get ready when it was time to go to festivals or festivals. The society was without any of its premises, also without the heads of individual sections. Despite the assistance provided by the City Association to society, the work in the company was still unsatisfactory, which meant that the assistance of the City Association and the assistance of the Trade Union Council was not complete and that in the future the greatest attention had to be paid they threaten even greater activation of society. In 1949, new and more extensive tasks were set before the society, primarily the establishment and strengthening of the work of all sections, choir, drama, choreography, music, recitation and pioneer sections. In 1950, the workers cultural and artistic association Mitar Trifunovic-Uco was proclaimed the best association of the Tuzla Basin. Sections of the society participated in numerous performances, of which singing and tamburitza at 6, folklore at 3 and theater at 6 performances. The company had four halls and one small room. During 1951, the cultural and artistic association Mitar Trifunovic-Uco had great difficulties with the premises. There was a move from the former Workers Home to the former Croatian Home. As a result, the company did not work for several months. The years 1952 and 1953 were the years of great Ucina successes. The biggest problem in the society was the development of social life in the society and only the revival of the membership, which came only for rehearsals, and then left, not staying in the premises of the society.

Textbook literature is not only an interesting object of research, but also a kind of mirror of the society that produces them. In a way, they represent the basic source of knowledge for students, and their content represents a certain type of absolute truth or canonized knowledge. This is especially true for history textbooks, which show students what memory state systems not only recommend but also determine. This means that such textbooks are a reflection of the official attitude towards the past, so they are one of the most powerful instruments of action on the collective consciousness of young people, but also society as a whole. Namely, the truth that is built into school textbooks inevitably becomes a living truth, having in mind the age and quantity of the readers body. It does not take much intellectual effort to properly understand, then, the potential energy that ethnic prejudices loaded in this way, based on historical myths, half-truths and untruths, carry with them. Textbooks from Serbia and Croatia were imported and used in Bosnia and Herzegovina for a while, and in recent years the contents of textbooks from the mentioned countries have served as a template for the production of textbooks that are printed and published in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In all such textbooks, examples have been identified in which entire teaching units are dedicated to events, personalities and locations that are not from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, for example, in terms of belonging to Bosnia and Herzegovina, negative examples dominate and the analyzed textbooks do not encourage the creation of a sense of a common heritage of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, students do not develop critical thinking, and explanations of historical-political processes are burdened with political interpretations that largely support valid auto and hetero-stereotypes. Policy options and processes are presented in a way that continues to support established attitudes about what has happened in the past, and current stereotypes about ones own and other peoples and their role in those processes. Having in mind, therefore, that the textbook content necessarily reflects the dominant ideology and current government policy, we tried to use the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to question the political function of the textbook, more precisely to show indicators of paternalistic attitude towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which are generated through Serbian and Croatian education system both in the home countries and in Bosnia and Herzegovina itself. The question that is specifically posed here is twofold: To what extent are conflicts and ethnic tensions, which have been present in all societies throughout history, reflected in school textbooks, and to what extent do school textbooks themselves convey these conflicts. The latter entails further sub-questions, such as the extent to which the textbook medium intensifies conflicts and the extent to which it calms and breaks them down. The topic itself is very broad and almost forces it to be sketched in such a small space only theoretically, which is less useful. Therefore, attention will be focused here on selected specific examples that deal with individual historical events, which are the subject of public debate, or conflict between Serbian and Croatian historiography when it comes to the origin and affiliation of the population and state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, this paper presents an interpretation of the interpreted, with the prevalent use of secondary literature, given through a review of the opinions of selected authors. In doing so, an effort was made to consistently apply comparative analysis, to show and expose all the diversity of approaches of individual national and nationalist discourses.

At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, must find its legitimate stronghold in the past. The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a civil war between different memories, the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in transitional historiography, along with the new reduction of totality, led to retraditionalization, to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the Peoples Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical re-nationalization. None of them carried out such a thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of good nationalism, which for many is elementary patriotism. Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became misunderstood victims of historical destiny. Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to anti-anti-fascism. He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for historical truths to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someones historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a desirable history, it is a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals. The obvious expression is political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it. Judicial rehabilitation is understood as an ideological and political measure of revision of history. A distinction should be made between the individual rehabilitation of innocent victims of persecution by the authorities after 1945 and a light revision of history. The political and ideological aspects of rehabilitation, with the support of the media and the pseudo-legal mechanism, include manipulating a number of topics to delegitimize the system that changed social, economic, political and national relations after 1945 - characteristic of monarchist Yugoslavia. In revisionist historiography, communists are treated as opponents of Serbian national interests (red devils), intruders in national history, and the socialist revolution as an excess. With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailovics Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this new anti-fascist side a desirable pre-communist ancestor, authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. His rehabilitation in Serbia has multiple meanings and consequences in its social life, but also in regional relations.

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY / ICTY) has indicted Jadranko Prlic, Bruno Stojic, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petkovic, Valentin Coric and Berislav Pušic. Indictees are charged with individual criminal responsibility (Article 7 (1) of the Statute) and criminal responsibility of a superior (Article 7 (3) of the Statute) for crimes against humanity: persecution on political, racial and religious grounds; killing; rape; deportation; inhumane acts; inhumane acts (forcible transfer); inhumane acts (conditions of detention); imprisonment, violations of the laws or customs of war: cruel treatment; cruel treatment (conditions of detention); illegal physical labor; reckless destruction of towns, settlements or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity; destruction or willful damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education; looting of public and private property; unlawful attack on civilians (Mostar); unlawful terrorism of civilians (Mostar); cruel treatment (siege of Mostar), violations of the Geneva Conventions: willful deprivation of life; inhuman treatment (sexual abuse); unlawful deportation of civilians; illegal transfer of civilians; unlawful detention of civilians; inhuman treatment; inhuman treatment (conditions of detention); destruction of large-scale property that is not justified by military necessity, and was carried out illegally and recklessly; confiscation of property that is not justified by military necessity, and was performed illegally and ruthlessly. The trial began on April 26, 2006. The Trial Chambers judgment of 29 May 2013 concluded that the conflict between the Croatian Army / Croatian Defense Council (HV / HVO) and the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) was of an international character. The factual evidence unequivocally showed that HV forces fought together with HVO members against ARBiH, and that the Republic of Croatia exercised general control over the armed forces and civilian authorities of the Croatian Community/Croatian Republic (HZ/HR) of Herceg-Bosna. The Council also found that there was a joint criminal enterprise (JCE) with the ultimate goal of establishing a Croatian entity, partly within the 1939 Croatian Banovina, to enable the unification of the Croatian people. The ultimate goal was the annexation of this area to the territory of the Republic of Croatia in case of disintegration of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (which corresponded to great state claims), or alternatively to make this area an independent state within Bosnia and Herzegovina, closely connected with Croatia. As early as December 1991, members of the HZ Herceg-Bosna leadership (including Mate Boban, president of HZ/HR Herceg-Bosna) and Croatian leaders (including Franjo Tudman, president of Croatia) assessed that in order to achieve the ultimate goal of establishing a Croatian entity it is necessary to change the national composition of the population in the areas that were calculated to be part of it. JCE participants knew that achieving this goal means removing the Bosniak population from the area of the so-called Herceg-Bosna and that it is in contradiction with the peace negotiations that were held in Geneva. Numerous crimes committed from January 1993 to April 1994 indicate an obvious pattern of behavior where the commission of a crime was the outcome of a plan prepared by JCE participants. The Trial Chamber found that all persons covered by the Indictment made a significant contribution to the implementation of the JCE and that their contribution indicated that they had the intent to pursue a common criminal purpose. Following consideration of the Appeals filed by the Prosecution and the Defense of the Convicts, the ICTY Appeals Chamber issued a final Judgment on 29 November 2017 against Jadranko Prlic, Bruno Stojic, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petkovic, Valentin Coric and Berislav Pušic, declaring them liable for the joint criminal enterprise in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This appellate judgment upheld the convictions handed down by the ICTY Trial Chamber in May 2013. In addition to participating in a joint criminal enterprise, the Appeals Chamber upheld responsibility for killings, persecution on political, racial and religious grounds, deportations, unlawful detention of civilians, forced labor, inhumane acts, inhumane treatment, unlawful and wanton destruction of large-scale property not justified by military necessity, destruction or willful damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education, unlawful attacks on civilians and unlawful terrorism of civilians, and individually for rape and sexual abuse. The verdict confirmed that the participants from Croatia in the joint criminal enterprise were Franjo Tudman, Janko Bobetko and Gojko Šušak. From the presented evidence it was concluded that the leaders of HZ/RHB, including Mato Boban, and the leaders of the Republic of Croatia, including Franjo Tudjman, in December 1991 assessed that the long-term political goal was to achieve the unification of the Croatian people entities, within the borders of the Banovina of Croatia from 1939, it is necessary to carry out ethnic cleansing in the territories that were claimed to belong to the HZ/RHB. Evidence confirms that a joint criminal enterprise has been established to achieve the political goal. In this context, it was established that Franjo Tudjman advocated the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina between Croatia and Serbia by annexing part of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia or, if this was not possible, by establishing an autonomous Croatian territory that would be closely connected with Croatia. Prlic, Stojic, Praljak, Petkovic, Coric, and Pušic were convicted of crimes against humanity, violations of the laws or customs of war and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, specifically murder, willful deprivation of life, persecution on political, racial and religious grounds, deportation, unlawful detention of civilians, forced labor, inhumane acts, inhuman treatment, unlawful and wanton destruction of large-scale property not justified by military necessity, looting and confiscation of public and private property under the third category of liability for participation in JCE destruction or intentional infliction damage to institutions dedicated to religion or education, unlawful attacks on civilians and unlawful terrorism of civilians. In addition, Prlic, Stojic, Petkovic and Coric were convicted of rape and inhuman treatment (sexual abuse). Coric was additionally convicted for several crimes for which he is responsible as a superior.

This paper covers the period from 1937 to 1945, the period of the establishment and works of the Serbian Cultural Club. The paper will discuss the political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in wich Serbian Cultural Club was founded, as well as the program goals and its activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special emphasis will be put on the period of the Second World War in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state and the activities of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War. The work and achievement of the program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War will be presented through the work of the Exile Government in London and the activities of the Chetniks Movement in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state. The Serbian Cultural Club was formed as a form of political association and activity, which included politicians, public workers, scientists, members of various political organizations, representatives of state and parastate bodies and organizations, under the slogan Serbs for Reunion. The club acted as a unique and homogeneous organization, regardless of the composition of the membership, with the goal of saving Serbia and Serbs. This most clearly expressed his overall activity, composition and degree of influence on state policy. The most important issues of state or Serbian nationalist policy for the interest of the Government were discussed in the Club, so the club had an extensive network of boards and several media. Professor and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dr. Slobodan Jovanovic, was elected the first president of the Serbian Cultural Club. He was the ideological creator of this organization (and he set out the basic tasks and goals of the Club). The vice presidents were Dr. Nikola Stojanovic and Dr. Dragiša Vasic, and Dr. Vasa Cubrilovic the secretary. Dr. Stevan Moljevic was the president of the board of the Serbian Cultural Club for the Bosnian Krajina, based in Banja Luka. According to Dinic, the initiative for the formation of the Serbian Cultural Club was given by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs Dr. Nikola Stojanovic, Dr. Vladimir Corovic, Dr. Vladimir Grcic and Dr. Slobodan Jovanovic. The activities of the Serbian Cultural Club can be divided into two stages. The first from its founding in 1936 until the signing of the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement, and the second from 1939 to 1941. The program of the Serbian Cultural Club was a sum of Greater Serbia programs of all major political parties that operated in Serbia with the help of state institutions. The goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were mainly: expansionist policy of expanding Serbian rule to neighboring areas, denying the national identity of all other Yugoslav nations and exercising the right to self-determination. The program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were to propagate Greater Serbian ideology. With its program about Greater Serbia and its activities, the Serbian Cultural Club has become the bearer of the most extreme Serbian nationalist aspirations. After the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement of August 1939, the Serbian Cultural Club demanded a revision of the agreement, calling for a Serbo-Croatian agreement based on ethnic, historical or economic-geographical principles. The adoption of one of these principles was to apply to the entire area inhabited by Serbs. The subcommittees of the Serbian Cultural Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina had the primary task of working to emphasize its Serbian character, and after the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement to form awareness that the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina should enter the Serbian territorial unit. With the prominent slogan Wherever there are Serbs - there is Serbia, the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina were marked as the vigilant guardian of the Serbian national consciousness. The leadership and most of the members of the Serbian Cultural Club joined the Chetnik movement as Draža Mihailovics national ideologues. The policy of the militant Greater Serbia program and Serbian nationalism of the Serbian Cultural Club was accepted as the program of Draža Mihailovics Chetnik movement. Some of Draža Mihailovics most important associates belonged to the Serbian Cultural Club. The main political goals of the Chetnik movement are formulated in several program documents. The starting point in them was the idea of a Greater and Homogeneous Serbia, which was based on the idea that Serbs should be the leading nation in the Balkans.

Before the beginning of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina, Yugoslavia had created, organized and armed a powerful military structure within the 2nd military area of the Yugoslav Peoples Army, which was renamed into the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in May of 1992. It had also never ceased to fill the ranks, arm, supply, train, equip and finance the Serb army which it had created in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Apart from that, abundant undeniable evidence exists which confirms the direct involvement of the Yugoslav Army as well as the special detachments of the Ministry of internal affairs of Serbia in the acts aimed against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for the whole duration of the war and in different parts of the country. In this work we shall present the motives, intentions, chronology and consequences of the participation of special detachments of the Yugoslav Army and the State Security Agency of Serbia in the attacks on Sarajevo during December 1993 and January 1994. On the eve of the conclusion of the Geneva peace talks on the basis of the Owen-Stoltenberg plan, the Serb political and military leadership, expecting further pressure directed towards the signing of the peace treaty and withdrawal from the territory that the Serb forces had taken, reached a decision to strenghen their positions during December 1993. As for the whole duration of the war, Sarajevo was considered to be the strategically most important area, so a military operation PANCIR-2 was devised, prepared and executed with the aim of taking the key objects of Sarajevos defence, which would force the opposition to accept a partition of the city. The forces of the Sarajevo-Romanija corps, and a brigade each from the Hercegovacki and 1st Krajiški corps of the Army of the Republic of Srpska were engaged in this operation. From the composition of the Yugoslav Army, parts of the Special detachment corps were involved, with the support of charge and transport helicopters. The operation was planned in two stages, whereby the first had the aim to establish control over the following objects: Žuc, Orlic, Hum and Mojmilo, while the second stage had to result with established control over Hrasnica and Butmir. Units from the composition of the Special detachment corps of the Yugoslav Army initiated the execution of their task from Belgrade on 16 December 1993. The striking part was made up from members of the 72nd Special Brigade, with parts of other special detachments: Guards Motorized Brigade, Armoured Brigade and 63. Paratroops Brigade from Niš. The combined composition of the special detachments of the Yugoslav Army of 320 men represented the core of the fighting group from the composition of the Sarajevo-Romanija Corps, numbering a total of 3,000 fighters, and representing the main part of the Serb forces within the PANCIR-2 operation. Colonel Milorad Stupar, the commander of the 72nd Special Brigade of the Yugoslav Army, was named as commander of the fighting group. The attacks of Serb forces, with the participation of Special detachments of the Yugoslav Army and State Security Agency of Serbia, in their first phase lasted from 21 to 27 December 1993, when the 72nd Special Brigade suffered a heavy defeat in the battles on Betanija and Orahov Brijeg. Due to the suffered losses, this detachment was incapable of further military action and it was ordered to retreat to Belgrade. Instead of it, parts of the Guards Motorized Brigade were directed into Vogošca. During January, these units were engaged in battle activities of somewhat diminished intensity on the lines of Sarajevos defence, because in the meantime the focus of the fighting was again shifted towards the Olovo-Vareš battlefield. Active participation of the units of the Yugoslav Army in the PANCIR-2 operation was discontinued by the end of January 1994. Their return to Belgrade was executed on 28 and 29 January in three marching columns with 45 vehicles, 3 tanks, 2 armoured vehicles, 2 self-propelled anti-aircraft guns PRAGA and one engineering machine.

Already with the defeat at Vienna in 1683. the Ottoman court became aware of the need to adapt to the Western world. The necessity of establishing harmonious relations between the Muslim and non-Muslim populations imposed the undertaking of a series of reforms, which came to full expression with the coming to power of Sultan Mahmud II, who created the conditions for the social modernization of the Ottoman Empire. The enactment of Haticerif by Gulhana in 1839, which formally equated Muslim and non-Muslim subjects in rights, opened the door for further reforms that imposed themselves as a historical necessity, and much less as a result of pressure from the great powers. Under the influence of their thinkers, the population of the Ottoman Empire has been emphasizing its demands for the establishment of a regime that would enable a greater degree of democracy and freedom, which would create conditions for freer trade and better education, since Haticerif of Gulhana. A big problem was also the finances that needed to be reformed in a way to achieve productivity. With such demands, Ottoman society embarked on reforms that remained known as the Tanzimat. It was a time when "ruin and progress were tackled", hence the conclusion that it was the "longest life" of the Ottoman Empire. The planned reforms were particularly difficult to implement in the Balkan provinces. The central Ottoman government showed a lot of inability to quell the local uprisings, regardless of whether they were of a social or national character. A major obstacle in that process was the interference of European powers, which in that way realized their interests and considered the Balkan states as their sphere of influence. Apart from political issues, the difficult situation was also felt in the field of agriculture. Primitive cattle breeding and traditional agriculture could not provide the conditions for meeting all other living needs, which is why the demands of the broadest strata of the population were aimed at liberalization and removing barriers that could lead to the presence of any dependence, especially from greengrocers. In addition to the presence of progressive forces, there were also stubborn structures of society in the Ottoman Empire that wanted to preserve the system that was present before the implementation of reforms. Resistance to the use of Tanzimat in the middle of the 19th century was very pronounced in the Ottoman provinces in the Balkans. In that sense, the reactions of the rural population from the area of the kadiluks Bihor and Rožaj were not absent, primarily to the application of certain decisions in the field of agrarian relations. The key measure was the introduction of tithing, which was considered another new tax among the poorer strata. The response to this measure of the central government was an armed uprising that broke out in 1851. in Bihor and the Rožaje region. It was brutally quelled by military units under the command of Omer Lutfi-pasha. The aim of this paper is precisely to present the circumstances in which this revolt took place and to point out its consequences. While the mentioned riots lasted, Omer Lutfi-pasha carried out certain administrative reforms on the territory of the Bosnian eyalet, which also had their reflections in the area of the Bihor kadiluk. With a stronger connection to the Bosnian eyalet, the kadiluk Bihor with Trgovište (Rožaje) will be formed in its next period as an integral part of that area, and in the spirit of the decisions made in Sarajevo as the new seat of the Bosnian vali.

Qadis were representatives of judicial branch in Ottoman Empire. The origin of this legal institute comes from the early development phase of islamic state – Omeyyad dinasty when the first rulers and later caliphs apointed qadis for solving disputes. For their appointment in Ottoman Empire qadiasker (military judges) were competent. Each of these judges appointed qadis and religious scolars (muderis) in their area of administration: Rumelian or Anatolian. As members of ulema (religious scolars) qadis enjoyed huge reputation in Ottoman Empire with high degree of independence and integrity in their work. The area under qadis jurisdiction was called kadiluk (or kaza). One sanjak (bigger administrative unit in Ottoman Empire) could be divided in more kadiluks depending on density of muslim population. Qadis were engaged in solving marriage, family and other disputes, regulating prices on the market, securing the public order, control over mosques, religious schools, public bathrooms, orphanages, roads and other legal duties. Together with muhtesibs they controlled the procurement in cities where they served and also in giving the waqf land into lease (mukat). Qadis were educated in medresas (seymaniye schools) and depending on their competence and knowledge they could go further on higher positions in Ottoman legal and administrative system. Beside the implementation of Sharia Law, functions of Qadi was also specific due to the judicial procedure. Ottoman criminal law made a difference between criminal offences against the rights of individuals (murder, theft) and the one against God – so called Hadd offences (consumation of alcohol, apostasy, slander, illicit sexual intercourses, robbery, rebellion). According to the type of offence the procedure could be started by the impaired person, his relatives or any member of the community since the Ottoman law did not know the institute of public prosecutor. When it comes to the inaction of punishments, the principle of legality was important as also the minimum degree of doubt that the person perpetrated the crime for which he was charged so in cases of incompatibility between offence and sharia law no other legal actions were taken. During the procedure qadis used the principle of justice and fairness (arabic: hukm, adl, mizan, insaf) where every Muslim had to follow and achieve it in his life. On the other side there was injustice (Zulm). Connected with the justice there was istihsan as a subsidiary source of law. The judging on basis of fairness was inspired by reasons of conciousness which allowed to divert from the current law if it led towards unfair solution. Istihsan was not superior over Sharia law but it represented its constitutive part. Its impelementation allowed Sharia Law to be flexible and to adjust itself to current needs. Qadis who used istihsan could in concrete case retreat from the legal norm, which according to their legal opinion was legally either too narrow or wide, in order to find fair solution. In order to protect other involved parties in procedure different procedural principles (principle of legality, right to defence, prohibition of retroactive application of law) were created where a lot of them are part of todays modern legal systems.

Since the middle of the 19th century, Croatian and Serbian national ideas have been systematically and purposefully imposed on Bosnian Orthodox and Catholics in Bosnia. In this way, the Serb and Croat nations are formed on a religious basis in Bosnia. Serbs and Croats as national-political determinants are introduced into Bosnia from Serbia and Croatia. Their goal is to nationalize the Catholic population in the Croatian, and the Orthodox in the Serbian national sense. In the Austro-Hungarian period, activities in the field of strengthening national identities were also noticeable in the field of culture. Then there is a more massive organization of the population through various forms of cultural, educational, sports, economic and other societies. These associations, formally non-governmental and non-political, operated politically, with the task of executing national movements and strengthening the national consciousness of Orthodox and Catholics. In this way, a religious and ethnic mosaic was formed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the mentioned period, which created a kind of forms of national movements. This was especially pronounced among the Orthodox population, which in symbiosis and cooperation of cultural, educational, business associations, and church communities, achieved significant progress and results in terms of national awareness and strengthening national and cultural identity. The goal of founding Serbian singing societies is to nurture and strengthen the Serbian national consciousness through nurturing the church song, through books (enlightenment), song and presentation of Serbian theatrical, and especially historical contents. In this way, the singing societies were the bearers of the national and educational-cultural revival of the Orthodox population. The press played a significant role in political action and the spread of national ideas and aspirations. Namely, the press was the most suitable form in terms of spreading ideas and strengthening the national-religious identity, primarily among the Orthodox, but also the rest of the population. Therefore, the occupation authorities strictly controlled and approved the establishment of printing houses with strict checks. Nevertheless, this was not an obstacle for certain newspapers to emphasize their political views and commitments through columns, which is why some were banned, as is the case with the Tuzla newspaper, called Serbian Movement, which was banned in 1914. Theaters in this period were also very suitable for action on the national-political level. The primary goal of the theaters activities was not cultural uplifting, but agitation in order to develop national consciousness, primarily among the Orthodox population, and in that sense of action against the occupying authorities, but also Bosnia and Herzegovina. Traveling theaters primarily gave performances of historical themes, with the aim of igniting national consciousness, among the Orthodox. Therefore, this paper aims to point out the reflections, primarily of Serbian national-political aspirations in the field of culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with reference to Tuzla, in the Austro-Hungarian period.

The author writes about political and socio-economic changes in Bijeljina from 1945 to 1953. After the Second World War, the area of Bijeljina was part of the Tuzla District. Since 1949, Bijeljina has been an integral part of the Tuzla region, and since 1952, it has been one of the 66 districts of the Peoples Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The area of Bijeljina consisted of the District of Bijeljina and the City of Bijeljina. After the Second World War, the new government faced many problems: lack of adequate communication between lower and higher authorities, organization and accommodation of counties, feeding the population, buying grain, sowing, repatriation of refugees, assistance to the disabled, health problems, education, etc. In the 1945 election campaign, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) prevented the participation of civic parties in various ways. The regime spied on its political and ideological opponents. Citizens were afraid that they would be arrested as enemies of the people and punished. Numerous opponents of the Popular Front were removed from the voter lists. The first elections in the socialist of Yugoslavia were held on November 11, 1945. In the elections, they voted for the list of the Popular Front and the box without the list (blank box). The list of the Popular Front, which also included verified members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, won convincingly. In the Bijeljina district, 27,018 voters were registered to vote. 25,188 or 93.23% of the total number of registered voters voted. Candidate of the Peoples Front for the Federal Assembly of the Yugoslavia from the Bijeljina District, dr. Vojislav Kecmanovic received 24,419 votes (96.95%), while the box without a list won 769 votes (3.05%). The list of the Popular Front for the Assembly of Peoples of the Yugoslavia was also convincing in these elections. The list won 24,457 votes or 97.10% of the total number of voters who went to the polls, while the box without the list won 731 votes or 2.90%. In the total population of Bijeljina, women were more numerous than men and made up 52.24% of the population of the District and 52.29% of the population of the City. Women played an important role in the socio-economic, cultural and educational life of Bijeljina. Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats and members of other nations lived together in the area of Bijeljina, and the number of inhabitants was continuously increasing. In 1948 there were 77,482 inhabitants and in 1953, 86,865 inhabitants which was an increase of 9,383 persons or 11.49%. Serbs made up the majority in Bijeljina County (80%) and Bosniaks in Grad (52%). He is in Bijeljina, in 1948, there were 51,031 persons or 65.86% of the population without education, 24,160 persons or 31.18% with completed primary school, and 1,649 persons or 2.13% of the population with lower secondary school. 565 persons or 0.73% had completed secondary school, and 73 persons or 0.09% of the population of Bijeljina had completed college and university. There were 32,522 women or 63.73% of the total number of persons without education and 18,509 men or 36.27% without education. In addition, the literacy of the population was at a very low level. As many as 22,139 or 37.76% of people over the age of nine were illiterate. In the area of Bijeljina, in the period 1945-1953. year, the number of primary schools increased from 34, 1946, to 53, 1953. In addition to primary schools, there were other schools: Teachers, Gymnasium, Agricultural High School. With such a population structure in Bijeljina, the reconstruction and the first five-year plan were carried out very ambitiously. Significant economic changes were made in this period (1945-1953). These changes are visible in the field of crafts, trade, catering, agriculture.

The establishment of the socialist regime had led to thorough political, economic, social, cultural and other changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first decade after the Second World War was marked by the reconstruction of the war-torn country, and great support in that process was provided by the USSR - the main ally of the new Yugoslavia. Emphasis was placed on the intensive development of the industry, which was to be the carrier of the overall economic development of the entire country. In accordance with this strategy, large industrial plants were established in all parts of Yugoslavia, thanks to which there was an intensive process of urbanization of numerous previously dormant communities. However, when there was a conflict and then a break with the USSR, Yugoslavia was forced to partially modify its economic development plans (the so-called Five-Year Plans). These changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina were most felt by cities such as Zenica, which instead of the originally planned Doboj became a Yugoslav metallurgical center, and Novi Travnik, which arose as a result of relocating part of the arms industry from Kragujevac in Serbia to central Bosnia. The factory Bratstvo (meaning Brotherhood) was built on a deserted meadow near Travnik in the heart of central Bosnia, and for the needs of housing workers who built industrial plants, as well as for those who worked in those plants, the first residential buildings were built in the form of low-quality wooden barracks. These were the roots of the workers settlement that gradually grew into a new town called Novi Travnik. The fateful link between the factory and the city, which was established at that time, was not interrupted during the entire socialist period, so the survival and development of Novi Travnik completely depended on the business opportunities in the Bratstvo factory. The expansion of the production and plant of the Bratstvo also included the construction of new housing, communal, social, health, sports, cultural, catering and other facilities in Novi Travnik. A successful business year in Bratstvo meant a secure inflow of money into the local community budget as well as a sufficient number of funds for the work of cultural, artistic, entertainment, sports and all other societies in the city. The same rule applied in the case of bad business of Bratstvo, and the most obvious example of how important the factory was for Novi Travnik can be seen in the case of a failed business in Ghana. The local authorities in Novi Travnik were absolutely aware of the role of the Brotherhood in the development of Novi Travnik and tried in every way to facilitate the functioning of the company, so, except for a few mere misunderstandings, relations between city and factory management were mostly friendly. After all, when the survival of the Bratstvo was called into question due to the failed business in Ghana, local authorities were among the first to appeal for the companys salvation, clearly noting that with the disappearance of the factory, the fate of Novi Travnik would be sealed. The paper presents a brief overview of the history of the company Bratstvo from its founding in June 1949 until the end of the socialist period in 1990, and analyses the relations between the city and factory authorities in that period. The aim of the paper was to show the importance that the factory Bratstvo had for the overall development of Novi Travnik and to determine how much the local authorities were aware of the role of companies in the development of the city. The paper provides insight into the processes that took place in a particular local community, but which can also be found in other industrial cities of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Yugoslavia during the socialist period.

Main goal of Serbian ideology, policy, practice, starting from the late XVIII until the beginning of XIX century is creation of a clean, pure and ethnic Serbian country so called Great Serbia. In such country idealists also included the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Meanwhile that is achievable only by committing heinous crimes including the Bosnian Genocide. Because of the Visegrads Geostrategic position the city is crucial for Serbian plans, aggressors and criminals tried by any means to form ethnically clean territory, not choosing the means or tools in the attempt of achieving that goal. Highest point of those crimes happened during the second world war 1941-1945, also in the time of aggression on Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992-1995. Numerous mass and individual killings, extermination, enslavement, deportations and / or forcible transfer of the Bosniak population, imprisonment and other forms of deprivation of liberty committed in violation of basic rules of international law constitute a long and sad list of criminal and genocidal acts committed against Bosniaks in the Drina Valley, and in the name of the so-called project Great Serbia. In this cycle and history of chetnik misery and inhumanity, the culmination of human malice, evil blood and moral dishonor was against the Bosniaks of Eastern Bosnia. Thanks to the hard work of the community and people of the country this evil plan and evil intentions of Serbs ideologists did not come through. Yet they do not give up, furthermore they use new means and methods. In that contest targeting wider area of Visegrad, as a starting point for commencing Great Serbian goals and ideas. That gave birth to the idea that Visegrad is continuously in focus to the leaders and actors of the ideology of Great Serbia, therefore creation of ethnically clean Serbian areas. All this, for a consequence, had a permanent acts of numerous crimes against humanity and international human rights among Bosnians in wider area of Visegrad, from the period of World war 2 and in the time of aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this area number of heinous crimes were committed. One of the consequences of the horrific crimes committed against Bosniaks is a radical change in the ethnic structure of the population in the Visegrad area during the 1992-1995 aggression. In relation to the 1991 Census, when there were 13,471 Bosniaks, according to the 2013 census, 1,043 Bosniaks have registered residence in Visegrad. Still, the area wasnt ethnically cleansed as in accordance to Serbian ideologists, so this shameful project thats grounded on crime, continued by new means and methods. Analysis confirmed key marks of aggressive attempts of ideology and policy in creating ethnic clean Serbian territory within area of Visegrad. Research is focused and timely determined on three periods: First during the Second world war 1941-1945, Second, Aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, third period after signing of Daytons 1995. still this day. For the purpose of proving the general hypothesis of the research, the methods of analysis and synthesis, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method will be used, and for the purposes of obtaining data, the method of analysis (content) of documents and the case study method. Serbian ideologist still tries to remove all Bosnians from the wider area of Visegrad and by doing so make that town the starting point for the next phases of ethical cleansing of non-Serbian population from walleyes of Drina Conclusion would be under any price secure at first economic conditions for survival of Bosnians on those areas, take a set of measures on economically strengthening Gorazde, as a center of gathering non-Serb population in the walleye of Drina.